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Prince Bismarck's greatness as a statesman and his imperishable services to Prussia and Germany are historical facts of such tremendous significance that there is doubtless no man in existence, whatever his party affiliations, who would dare to place them in question. For this very reason alone it is stupid to accuse me of not having recognized the greatness of Prince Bismarck. The opposite is the truth. I revered and idolized him. Nor could it be otherwise. It should be borne in mind with what generation I grew up—the generation of the devotees of Bismarck. He was the creator of the German Empire, the paladin of my grandfather, and all of us considered him the greatest statesman of his day and were proud that he was a German. Bismarck was the idol in my temple, whom I worshiped. But monarchs also are human beings of flesh and blood, hence they, too, are exposed to the influences emanating from the conduct of others; therefore, looking at the matter from a human point of view, one will understand how Prince Bismarck, by his fight against me, himself destroyed, with heavy blows, the idol of which I have spoken. But my reverence for Bismarck, the great statesman, remained unaltered. While I was still Prince of Prussia I often thought to myself: "I hope that the great Chancellor will live for many years yet, since I should be safe if I could govern with him." But my reverence for the great statesman was not such as to make me take upon my own shoulders, when I became Emperor, political plans or actions of the Prince which I considered mistakes. Even the Congress of Berlin in 1878 was, to my way of thinking, a mistake, likewise the "Kulturkampf." Moreover, the constitution of the Empire was drawn up so as to fit in with Bismarck's extraordinary preponderance as a statesman; the big cuirassier boots did not fit every man. Then came the labor-protective legislation. I most deeply deplored the dispute which grew out of this, but, at that time, it was necessary for me to take the road to compromise, which has generally been my road both on domestic and foreign politics. For this reason I could not wage the open warfare against the Social Democrats which the Prince desired. Nevertheless, this quarrel about political measures cannot lessen my admiration for the greatness of Bismarck as a statesman; he remains the creator of the German Empire, and surely no one man need have done more for his country than that. Owing to the fact that the great matter of unifying the Empire was always before my eyes, I did not allow myself to be influenced by the agitations which were the commonplaces of those days. In like manner, the fact that Bismarck was called the majordomo of the Hohenzollerns could not shake my trust in the Prince, although he, perhaps, had thoughts of a political tradition for his family. As evidence of this, he felt unhappy, for instance, that his son Bill felt no interest in politics and wished to pass on his power to Herbert.

This collection of innovative essays examining the role of Wilhelm II in Imperial Germany was first published in 2003, particularly on the later years of the monarch's reign. The essays highlight the Kaiser's relationship with statesmen and rulers; his role in international relations; the erosion of his power during the First World War; and his ultimate downfall in 1918. The book demonstrates the extent to which Wilhelm II was able to exercise 'personal rule', largely unopposed by the responsible government, and supported in his decision-making by his influential entourage. The essays are based on thorough and far-reaching research and on a wide range of archival sources. Written to honour the innovative work of John Röhl, Wilhelm II's most famous biographer, on his sixty-fifth birthday, the essays within this volume will continue to provide an exciting evaluation of the role and importance of this controversial monarch.

On a bright summer's day in June 1887, a procession of mounted kings and princes moved sedately through the streets of London in celebration of Queen Victoria's Golden Jubilee. Amid such illustrious company, all eyes were drawn to the 'towering Lohengrin-like figure' of the future German Emperor Frederick III in his imperial helmet, silver breastplate and the brilliant white uniform of the Cuirassier Guards. The cheering crowds could never have believed that he had less than a year to live, or that 'our Fritz', the hero of Koniggrätz, Worth and Sedan, would soon appear as little more than a silent portrait hanging on the walls of history. So often throughout his life, duty, modesty and loyalty obliged him to remain silent, concealing his own achievements and stifling his opinions. Tragically, when at last he was free to speak with authority, he was rendered voiceless by a painful and debilitating illness. To those who knew him well, however, he truly deserved the epithet, 'Frederick the Noble', whose heroic stoicism in the face of suffering was equal to, and even surpassed, his courage on the battlefield.

The most interesting political character of the ending 19th century was undoubtedly the young man who filled the throne of the German Empire. Americans are so used to seeing young men filling important positions and administering great trusts that the mere question of age seems less important than it might be to members of other nationalities. But a man in his thirty-third year was unquestionably young to fill one of the highest yet almost irresponsible positions in the world. His opinions and actions were of vital significance to not merely his own subjects, but to the general interests of mankind, especially when it is remembered that he was the commander-in-chief of the most powerful of European armies, in discipline and organisation if not in mere numbers, and that his will and order could have set the world on fire. Hitherto he has, moreover, shown himself to be a man of no mean ability, very different from the non-entities that usually fill thrones, and his vast political power was enhanced by intellectual capacity of no mean order, backed by an imperious will. He seemed, in fact, on one side of his character at least, to be an ideal ruler. The present work is intended to give its readers a rapid view of the young Emperor's character and public action, with so much of history and political review as may be needed to a full sketch of a personage of such weight and value, and of the conditions in which he himself and his great empire were placed.

Hermine Reuss of Greiz is perhaps better known as the second wife of the Kaiser (Emperor Wilhelm II of Germany) whom she married shortly after the death of his first wife Auguste Viktoria and while he was in exile in the Netherlands. She was by then a widow herself with young children. She was known to be ambitious about wanting to return to power, and her husband insisted on her being called 'Empress'. To achieve her goal, she turned to the most powerful man in Germany at the time, Adolf Hitler. Unfortunately, her dream was not realised as Hitler refused to restore the monarchy and with the death of Wilhelm in 1941, Hermine was forced to return to her first husband's lands. She was arrested shortly after the end of the Second World War and would die under mysterious circumstances while under house arrest by the Red Army.

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