In Reframing the Diplomat Albertine Bloemendal offers a unique window onto the unofficial dimension of Cold War transatlantic relations by analyzing the diplomatic role of the Dutch Atlanticist Ernst van der Beugel as a government official and as a private diplomat. After a career with the Dutch government at the frontlines of the Marshall Plan, European integration and transatlantic relations, Van der Beugel pursued a more freestyle approach to diplomacy as a private citizen, most notably through his role as Secretary-General of the illustrious Bilderberg Meetings and his ties to the European and American foreign policy establishments. This book also traces his close friendship with Henry Kissinger, which provided him with a direct line to the White House.

Africa needs fresh thinking on its leadership and governance challenges, particularly when it comes to the disconnects between traditional leadership models and governance structures within the modern state. In this open access book, Kofi Anani finds ways forward through the Blended Representation Principle (BRP), which stipulates that power be shared between leaders selected on the basis of Western-democratic ideals and leaders chosen on the basis of traditional African norms and conventions. Drawing on his research and professional experience, Anani shows how incorporating the BRP into African leadership and governance thinking would encourage more voluntary public participation in politics, guarantee transparency and accountability in decision-making, particularly when it comes to the use of public resources, and ultimately encourage more public confidence in leaders. Anani also provides concrete suggestions for how to achieve all this, not through quick fixes, but rather through educational campaigns directed at public officials and through new communities of learning and practice designed to champion the BRP in villages, schools, workplaces, places of worship, and other social organizations. This book is a must-read for all scholars and students of postcolonial governance and leadership, and it is of keen interest to anyone concerned with how Western-style state-making might ultimately find a balance with other, indigenous modes of social organization. The ebook editions of this book are available open access under a CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 licence on bloomsburycollections.com. Open access was funded by the Bloomsbury Open Collections Library Collective.

An important feature of Ghanaian tertiary education is the foundational African Studies Programme which was initiated in the early 1960s. Unfortunately hardly any readers exist which bring together a body of knowledge on the themes, issues and debates which inform and animate research and teaching in African Studies particularly on the African continent. This becomes even more important when we consider the need for knowledge on Africa that is not Eurocentric or sensationalised, but driven from internal understandings of life and prospects in Africa. Dominant representations and perceptions of Africa usually depict a continent in crisis. Rather than buying into external representations of Africa, with its 'lacks' and aspirations for Western modernities, we insist that African scholars in particular should be in the forefront of promoting understanding of the pluri-lingual, overlapping, and dense reality of life and developments on the continent, to produce relevant and usable knowledge. Continuing and renewed interest in Africa's resources, including the land mass, economy, minerals, visual arts and performance cultures, as well as bio-medical knowledge and products, by old and new geopolitical players, obliges African scholars to transcend disciplinary boundaries and to work with each other to advance knowledge and uses of those resources in the interests of Africa's people.

This collection of essays examines various aspects of leadership from several disciplinary perspectives.

Inadequate electricity services pose a major impediment to reducing extreme poverty and boosting shared prosperity in Sub-Saharan Africa. Simply put, Africa does not have enough power. Despite the abundant low-carbon and low-cost energy resources available to Sub-Saharan Africa, the region s entire installed electricity capacity, at a little over 80 GW, is equivalent to that of the Republic of Korea. Looking ahead, Sub-Saharan Africa will need to ramp-up its power generation capacity substantially. The investment needed to meet this goal largely exceeds African countries already stretched public finances. Increasing private investment is critical to help expand and improve electricity supply. Historically, most private sector finance has been channeled through privately financed independent power projects (IPP), supported by nonrecourse or limited recourse loans, with long-term power purchase agreements with the state utility or another off-taker. Between 1990 and 2014, IPPs have spread across Sub-Saharan Africa and are now present in 17 countries. Currently, there are 125 IPPs, with an overall installed capacity of 10.7 GW and investments of $24.6 billion. However, private investment could be much greater and less concentrated. South Africa alone accounts for 67 IPPs, 4.3 GW of capacity and $14.4 billion of investments; the remaining projects are concentrated in a handful of countries. The objective of this study is to evaluate the experience of IPPs and identify lessons that can help African countries attract more and better private investment. At the core of this analysis is a reflection on whether IPPs have in fact benefited Sub-Saharan Africa, and how they might be improved. The analysis is based primarily on in depth case studies, carried out in five countries, including Kenya, Nigeria, South Africa, Tanzania and Uganda, which not only have the most numerous but also among the most extensive experience with IPPs.

Employees exit an organization with 80% of the knowledge they have acquired without transferring it to others. This colossal loss of intellectual assets is even more in terms of parent to child legacy transfer. Several factors may have contributed to this immense generational memory loss. First, the knowledge seekers do not know what to do on how to influence the knowledge sources to share their skills and experiences and may not even understand the characteristics of the knowledge they intend to access from the knowledge sources. Second, these intellectual assets such as skills and experiences they intend to access give the knowledge sources their comparative advantage in the society and worst still, they are not on the pages of procedures or other documented format, but mainly domicile in the heads of the possessors and hence not visible to others. Third, people also regard their skills and experiences as invaluable intellectual assets and hence do not want to easily share it with others. These are some of the constraints knowledge seekers face, whether in an organization or the society while trying to access the information they require in creating value in their respective domains. Eventually, the legacies transferred to the knowledge seekers fall short of what would have been transferred if the knowledge seeker knows otherwise. This book bridges this gap by providing a strategic and systematic approach on how a knowledge seeker may apply social interaction variables and its hierarchical effect on knowledge transfer to influence a knowledge source to share his or her intellectual assets that he or she might not ordinarily be willing to share with any knowledge seeker.

In the 1960s Black Studies emerged as both an academic field and a radical new ideological paradigm. Editors Molefi Kete Asante and Ama Mazama (Black Studies, Temple U.), both influential and renowned scholars, have compiled an encyclopedia for students, high school and beyond, and general readers. It presents analysis of key individuals, events, a

Two different leaders, with more contrasting characteristics. Comparing the two leaders from two countries with striking contrast in size, history and government structure may seem strange. America is a democratic republic with a constitution two hundred and thirty years old; Eritrea is a dictatorship ruled by an unelected former guerrilla leader who suppressed a ratified constitution and rules by decree. However, both leaders are dedicated to the destruction of, or at the very least, the demeaning of the primary values of the democratic epoch, namely, democracy and rule of law.

The concepts of democracy and good governance have been at the centre of criticism of governments all over the world. What democracy entails, however, has never been agreed, most notably on the African continent. African politicians who have been criticised for reigning over 'undemocratic' regimes have insisted that the West judges them by criteria that don't apply to African circumstances. Is there such a thing as African democracy? Informed and intrigued by two events that happened in different eras, in different countries, Gardner Thompson has written an in-depth historical examination of the nature of 'imported' democracy as practised in the East African countries of Uganda, where he worked as a young History teacher in the 70s, Kenya and Tanzania. The events were the 1971 Amin capture of power from Milton Obote in Uganda, and the post-election violence that rocked Kenya in 2007/2008, pitting then incumbent Mwai Kibaki against his erstwhile colleague Raila Odinga, along what many read to be tribal lines. Dividing the book into three sections, Thompson treats democracy in the three former colonies from the perspectives of pre-independence (colonialism), the transition to independence, and governance since independence. Reflecting indigenous history, the colonial past and evolving culture, flawed but functioning forms of government have emerged in the three states.